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Holy Rollers: Murder and Madness in Oregon’s Love Cult
T. McCracken and R. B. Blodgett
Caldwell, ID: Caxton Press, 2002, 295 pages, paperback.
$16.95. ISBN: 0870044249.
Reviewed by
Frank MacHovec, Ph.D.
The authors, a naturalist and a paleontologist with an
interest in northwest U.S. history, refer to their topic as the “long
suppressed” story of Edmund Creffield’s Holy Roller movement, started in 1903 in
Corvallis, Oregon. (They explain that older folks in Corvallis don't want to
talk about the Holy Rollers.)
Writing for the general public, the authors present the
Holy Roller movement chronologically, with many anecdotes of the people involved
and their life situations. The book includes 30 brief chapters averaging 10
pages each, and a 3-page epilogue. Also included is an impressive 15-page
bibliography that includes birth, marriage, and death certificates, census data,
and newspaper articles of the time.
Creffield, a German immigrant who came to the United States
at age 20, was a Salvation Army dropout. His real name was Franz Edmund
Creffield. He converted an experienced Salvation Army officer sent to discredit
him, and the Salvation Army later left town—both events evidence of his charisma
and verbal skills. Also impressive is how he was able to intrude into the
personal lives and lifestyles of leading families in the community. Five feet
six inches tall and weighing 135 pounds, Creffield was not physically an
imposing figure. His strength was psychological, called a “hypnotic effect” by
some who observed him. He began recruiting members using a traditional Christian
approach, and then he claimed to be Joshua. Ultimately, he became a
self-proclaimed apostle and gradually added his own version of the ideal
religion.
Creffield’s strategy was to claim a direct divine
connection and the power to “relieve suffering” by the laying on of hands. He
appealed to those sensitized by guilt or a deprived childhood, although many
otherwise normal people were also converted. His technique was to lower defenses
and disinhibit by sermonizing for up to 24 hours to followers, mainly women, who
rolled on the floor seeking forgiveness. This ritual, by which followers
believed they became “God’s anointed,” was often repeated daily. Creffield’s
ability to have women cancel their engagements to be married, deter married
couples from having sex, and have others drop out of work or school demonstrated
his power.
Members of the movement burned their furniture and prized
possessions, belongings that Creffield called “carnal.” Nonmembers were
“infidels” to be shunned, even if they were spouses or a member’s children.
As the result of growing public outrage, the sheriff had
two local physicians examine Creffield in the presence of a judge and city
attorney. They found him legally sane. Released, he escalated his message,
prophesying an imminent end of the world, which drew public interest. Media
coverage spread. So did rumors of this man surrounded by women, amid growing
suspicion that he had sexual contact with them. He urged followers to remove
clothing to be like Adam and Eve. Because the law didn’t stop him, a vigilante
group of men calling themselves “white caps” descended on Creffield. He was
tarred, feathered, and run out of town. A follower took him in and allowed him
to continue his ministry in the family home. Creffield chose to marry a
16-year-old follower, but her family committed her to the Boys’ and Girls’ Aid
Society (she was too young for the insane asylum). There, she was diagnosed as
“bright but deranged, mind almost unhinged by religious fanatics.”
Creffield moved to Portland, Oregon and claimed he was “the
second Saviour.” Page 62 refers to Maud Hurt vowing “to have nothing to do with
him”; but, on the next page, she is referred to as Creffield’s wife, an
unexplained gap. His effect on the mainly female group members was strong and
destructive. They prided themselves on being “brides of Christ,” and allegedly
to Creffield as the second Christ. This behavior further enraged the public.
When he was seen nude with a scantily clad woman, he was arrested, tried, and
convicted of adultery. He fled but was discovered hiding under a follower’s
house. Sentenced to two years in the state penitentiary, he was a model prisoner
and won release seven months early.
Creffield then moved to Seattle with his loyal followers.
He claimed to have caused the 1906 San Francisco earthquake. This claim
impressed group members and strengthened his hold on them. A brother whose
sister was “ruined” by Creffield shot and killed “the second Christ” on a
Seattle street. The brother, in turn, was killed by the sister he avenged. She
later committed suicide, as did Creffield’s wife, bringing this tragic history
to an end.
The book is written in a style more journalistic than
scientific, although it is well referenced. Its major contribution is its
description of how a destructive cult can develop in an average community. The
narrative shows the vulnerability of otherwise normal people, and the escalation
of a charismatic leader’s control over them. Parallels to modern-day destructive
cults are obvious, with similarities to Jim Jones’ People’s Church, Marshall
Applewhite’s Heaven’s Gate, and David Koresh’s Branch Davidians. The book offers
evidence that wielding total control over others may somehow contribute to a
slow deterioration of the leader’s mental state. On the negative side, the book
misleads when the authors present whole paragraphs in italics, written in the
first person, as if they were direct quotes, when they are obviously conjecture
and speculations about what people thought and said at the time. However, this
is a minor flaw.
The book provides useful information about the
developmental dynamics of cult-like groups and their leadership; as such, it is
a valuable addition to the database of how destructive cults develop and to the
psychopathology of their leaders. Recommended.
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