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A Force upon the Plain: The
American Militia Movement and the Politics of Hate
Kenneth S. Stern
Simon & Schuster, New York,
1996, 303 pages.
Reviewed by
Frank MacHovec, Ph.D.
The author,
Kenneth Stern, is an attorney who has served as the American Jewish Committee’s
expert on hate and hate groups since 1989. He is former director of the National
Organization Against Terrorism and has authored books on the holocaust and the
Native American Indian movement. Oddly, this book has no table of contents. The
book begins with an 8-page foreword, then proceeds through 6 parts of 26 short
chapters to a postscript, acknowledgments, a 2-page appendix on paramilitary
training statutes, and concludes with an impressive 33 pages of “sources,”
arranged by chapter.
The book is
written clearly and concisely, presenting a great deal of information, all of it
relevant and to the point. The easy-to-read, journalistic style does not in any
way lessen the impact or the depth of the material presented. Though based on
referenced facts, it is wary and critical of the militia movement and will
likely be considered “liberal” by those who support militancy over moderation
and tolerance.
Early in the
book, Stern shares his response to his young son who asked why the Oklahoma
federal building was bombed. Stern’s first response (“by bad men”) did not
satisfy the boy, so Stern added “who hate too much.” This conclusion is
established throughout the remainder of the book, situation by situation, case
by case. He traces the militia movement, “the fastest growing grassroots mass
movement any of us have seen” (p. 13), from his interviews in Montana in 1994 to
Idaho, to the Pacific northwest, and elsewhere. He describes in detail how
extremists in this movement consider themselves patriots, yet commit terrorist
acts. Stern estimates that there are 10,000 to 40,000 active members and
“hundreds of thousands, some say millions, who sympathize with them” (p. 16).
They believe that the federal government is illegitimate and must be “taken
back.”
Throughout the
text, underlying dynamics are probed and described. A major factor has been the
demise of the Soviet Union. This occurrence removed communism as the focus of
attention and as a channel for paranoia, evident in the McCarthy and John Birch
years. Today’s militants are even farther to the right, according to Stern. He
describes such movements as having “deep roots,” that the United States has
“always had armed far-right groups with a political agenda and a hateful
ideology” (p. 42). The Ku Klux Klan is one example cited. Today’s political
climate is such that it is “taboo to express overt hatred for minorities,” but
opposing government “is a fine and important American tradition” (p. 132). The
shared paranoia of extremist militia movements, Stern contends, is generalizing
now from specific agencies such as the FBI, CIA, and IRS, to all federal
employees. “We now know,” he concludes, “that terrorism is not uniquely Middle
Eastern in origin” (p. 244).
Today’s extremist
militias appeal to a wider variety of discontented, including those advocating
white supremacy, anti-Semitisms, anti-income tax, and pro-gun positions. These
folks were using a computer network long before the Internet, and now use the
Internet and radio talk shows extensively. They see themselves as uniting
against a growing evil. The communist conspiracy as enemy has been replaced with
our own federal government. One militia activist is quoted as describing himself
as a “natural born” and “nonresident alien” exempt from the laws of an
“unincorporated state” (p. 195). These extremists see the federal government as
guilty of excessive force, viewing the incidents at Ruby Ridge and Waco as prime
examples. The Oklahoma City bombing was payback for these actions and an effort
to put the government on notice that its conspiracy must stop. With twisted
logic, the Oklahoma City bombing is viewed as equal to Waco, despite Koresh’s
refusal to submit to a lawful order and his stockpiling an arsenal of illegal
automatic weapons and hand grenades, hardly materials needed by a bonafide
religion. A Christian Coalition leader is quoted as pointing out that “Jesus was
killed because there was no militia” (p. 165).
Mental health
professionals concerned about extremist groups may be disappointed that the book
makes no reference to such relevant concepts as Festinger’s cognitive dissonance
or Freud’s thanatos libido, repression, and projection. Cult awareness leaders
may be disappointed with a lack of references to cultlike aspects of the militia
movement. Stern, an attorney with decades of experience in the human rights
field, has produced, nevertheless, a book of very high quality, well researched
and referenced, concise and comprehensive, and a valuable addition to the
literature on the militia movement. Highly recommended.
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