Cults and Society, Vol. 1, No. 1, 2001
Best Intentions: Dynamics of Spiritual Abuse
Bhaktavatsala Dasa
In this
article, Bhaktavatsala Dasa will discuss what spiritual abuse is, why there is a
need for it to be discussed, some dynamics, causes, consequences and suggested
solutions. The material in this article is based on research into ISKCON’s needs,1 examination
of how other institutions dealt with the problem,2 some
perspectives from the Vaisnava tradition, and solutions that synthesise and
reconcile these various approaches.
As far as
possible I will speak in generic terms so as to avoid getting caught in the
issues related to specific examples or areas of abuse. In the process of giving
ISKCON Leadership and Management courses, it became apparent that there was a
need to address the issues of abuse within the movement. In response I
contacted Dhyanakunda-devi Dasi, a clinical psychologist, and together we wrote
a seminar on the subject. We delivered it over five days at the ISKCON
Convention 1999, at Radhadesh, Belgium. Much of what I write here was delivered
as part of that seminar.
What is
Spiritual Abuse?
Our seminar
was entitled "Spiritual Abuse — Symptoms, Prevention and Healing," and although
some Vaisnavas might view the term "spiritual abuse" as a theological oxymoron,3 we
decided to use it since it is an accepted term within the field of abuse
counselling.
In their book, Healing
Religious Addiction, the Linns (Dennis, Sheila and Matt Linn, 1994) define
spiritual abuse quite broadly as denying other’s spiritual freedom through
claiming that only one’s own way to God is valid (The Linns, 1994, p. 12).
Johnson and Van Vonderen are more specific: "Spiritual abuse is the mistreatment
of a person who is in need of help, support or greater spiritual empowerment,
with the result of weakening, undermining or decreasing that person’s spiritual
empowerment" (Johnson and Van Vonderen, 1991, p. 20). For our seminar, we
arrived at a working definition to fit our own theological context:
Spiritual abuse is perpetrated
when, in the name of spirituality or spiritual authority, the individual’s
dignity and right to advance through serving Krsna is violated.4
To help
clarify the concept; some testimonies from various sources:
My bible study leader tells me that
I haven’t taken on the "mantle" as spiritual head of my home. I should be
praying more, taking authority in the Spirit — then spiritual forces
wouldn’t be able to attack my family. Then my wife wouldn’t be having menstrual
problems and my oldest son wouldn’t be suffering from asthma. I guess their
sickness is my fault. (Johnson and Van Vonderen, 1991, p. 21)
Being forced to defend yourself on
the basis of quotes from religious books is very exhausting and discouraging.
The whole process demonstrates a lack of emotional expression. You become very
afraid and guilty for feeling, especially when those around you feel different.
(VOICE, 1997, 4.3.2e)5
There is a
common dynamic in the above examples — the person seeking spiritual guidance, in
need of information, dialogue, support, acceptance, or counsel, was made to feel
that their spirituality was defective. This can impel a person to agree with a
particular belief or to feel discouraged from asking legitimate (but potentially
awkward) questions. This is the general dynamic.
Spiritual
abuse frequently occurs in conjunction with other forms of abuse — or one could
say that other forms of abuse, be they physical, psychological, emotional,
sexual, or financial, when perpetrated within a spiritual community or society,
will have a spiritual component. The abuse is being backed up by authority and
power derived from a spiritual institution or teaching. Those abused have had
their boundaries beaten down, they have been shamed out of their "no," had their
discrimination clouded by someone else’s religious agendas. Spiritual abuse does
not refer to simple mistakes of judgement, but to concerted misuse of position
or power. The dynamics, causes, and consequences of spiritual abuse are relevant
to all members of a spiritual society since abuse seems to be an unavoidable
reality within any society, and spiritual abuse seems to be programmed into the
process of spiritual growth, a point that I will discuss later in this article.
Why
Spiritual Abuse is Often Hidden or Missed
Although the
New Christian Dictionary of Ethics and Pastoral Theology defines abuse as
"perversion / misuse of the privilege of caring for another person," it does not
list spiritual abuse in its examples of abuse (Atkinson and Field, 1995, p.
136), even though in pastoral theology or care it would seem to be an obvious
choice. Spiritual abuse is often hidden, overlooked, or ignored because it
frequently occurs in conjunction with other abuses, and may be overshadowed by
the other, more obvious forms.6
Thus, it may happen that the spiritual component becomes minimized, although
it is often this element that provides not only the environment, but the
leverage, the platform of power, from which the abuse takes place.
We derive and
define our sense of self largely in terms of our belief system (Storr, 1996, p.
200). Challenges questioning our belief system scare us because they threaten to
shake the self-identity fundamental to our sense of personal security. The
abused are afraid of upsetting the apple cart of their own belief system by
challenging its champions (their spiritual superiors). Abusers take advantage of
their subordinates’ fears, hiding behind taboos and holy cows such as tradition,
position, and etiquette, and casting aspersions on any who challenge them. "In
an abusive system, you are told that you are `the problem' for noticing the
problem. That makes it hard to expose the abuse, even after you’ve left the
system" (Johnson and Van Vonderen, 1991, p. 49).
It is
important to discuss the issue of spiritual abuse because it addresses a current
need. That this need is also there in ISKCON was not only apparent from the
seminars I conducted and the proliferation of reform movements within or outside
of the Society, but in a recent survey. Dr. E. Burke Rochford confirmed a
general dissatisfaction about the gap between leadership and rank-and-file. In
his "Summary of Major Findings," his first point was: "There is a striking lack
of trust between ISKCON members and the movement’s leadership, ... there is a
lack of honest open communication between devotees" (Rochford, 1999, p. 17).
Diminished
trust and dysfunctional relationships between authorities and subordinates
create an environment in which abuse can flourish. Rochford’s other findings
suggest to me that spiritual abuse was responsible for a good proportion of the
"striking lack of trust between ISKCON members and the movement’s leadership."7
One of the
aims of our seminar, and this article, is to help devotees become more conscious
of spiritual abuse, since acknowledgement obviously precedes cure (Stafford and
Hodgkinson, 1991, pp. 90, 93). Such seminars and articles will increase open
discussion in the areas of spirituality, morality, ethics, and the rights and
responsibilities of members of the Krsna consciousness movement. These
discussions not only serve to identify the nature, symptoms, and consequences of
spiritual abuse, but also begin the process of healing, encouraging devotees to
come to terms with possible negative experiences and foster their confidence as
individuals and as members of ISKCON. This will ultimately help in making
commitments to reduce abuse, within the movement and as individuals.
About
Abuse Dynamics
Abuse can
occur in any authority structure or wherever there is an assumption of authority8
— between, for example, Governing Body Commissioners (GBC, ISKCON’s highest
management authority) and intermediate levels of management, adult and child,
a devotee living in a temple and one in the congregation. I have often heard
devotees complaining about spiritual abuse issues as "the problem with ISKCON,"
as if such problems were ISKCON-exclusive. Seminar participants expressed great
relief to learn that we share our problems with other religious organizations.
Based on
researching problems in other institutions, reactions to our seminars, and our
experiences in ISKCON, we formulated the following list of dynamics conducive to
abuse:
1.
Unrealistic evaluation of spiritual acumen
a)
Position/external success = spiritual advancement
2.
Unrealistic expectations
a) The
myth of the infallible leader
b) The myth of the totally surrendered subordinate
3.
Misapplication of philosophy
a)
Twisting theology or interpreting scripture to suit personal or
institutional agendas
4.
Coercion through shame and fear
a)
Shaming people into submission and/or silence
b) Criticising/humiliating anyone with a different opinion or who
notices a problem
c) Demonization, name-calling, and fear of ostracism as coercion methods
5.
Premature transcendence
a)
Elitism and exclusivism as a justification for segregation and prejudice
b) Ignoring physical, psychological, emotional, or social needs
c) Encouraging renunciation far beyond a person’s realisation
Although in
the seminar we elaborated on this list with subcategories (Bhaktavatsala Dasa,
1999, pp. 1,2) and discussion, for the purposes of this article I would like to
concentrate on two categories that the
American
Family Foundation (AFF) found to be most important:
In our research survey of 308
former members from 101 different groups, the highest rated group
characteristic was elitism (4.86 average out of a possible 5.0 on a 1–5
Likert scale). The second highest rated item was that dissent was not
tolerated. One can speculate that elites protect their status by suppressing
dissent and disagreement. Therefore, a group trying to avoid spiritual abuse
could practice ways of increasing awareness of elitist feelings and ways of
responding respectfully to dissenting opinions [our emphasis]. (Langone, 1999)
We termed
these two characteristics "premature transcendence," and "coercion through shame
and fear," respectively. Because the AFF have related their statistics to
religious groups, it would be interesting to research more general statistics on
elitism and shame as dynamics of social alienation, to see if these sort of
statistics are more widely applicable to social structures.
Premature
Transcendence
Elitism is
generally regarded as a defence mechanism related to underlying feelings of
inadequacy (Dixon, 1994, p. 202). Many religious traditions have recognised it
as an attitude that new converts are prone to adopt. It manifests as a tendency
to look down on or criticise others, on the basis of their own, newfound
"superiority." In Madhurya-kadambini, Srila Visvanatha Cakravarti
Thakura refers to this phenomenon as utsaha-mayi
A brahmana child, having
just begun study of the scriptures, thinks he has immediately become a learned
scholar worthy of everyone’s praise. Similarly, a person just beginning
devotional service may have the audacity to think that he has mastered
everything. This is called utsaha-mayi, or filled (puffed-up) with
enthusiasm. (Visvanatha, 1993, p. 15)
St. John of
the Cross warns in The Dark Night of the Soul:
But because beginners are imperfect
they need to speak of spiritual things in front of others, and even to teach
rather than to learn, because they are conceited. In their hearts they condemn
those that do not have the devotion they themselves want. (Backhouse, 1988, p.
7)
Time and
interactions within the world of the unconverted usually temper the zealous
fervour of a new convert; if, however, the convert disassociates himself from
this world, then that maturation process can be retarded or halted.9
Isolated from the rest of society, the convert is free to construct a world
wherein he is an advanced transcendentalist and all others are very fallen.
Such self-righteousness leads to elitism and exclusivism — adequate
justification for the segregation and prejudice that alienates inhabitants of
the world of the unconverted.
Living in a
"transcendental bubble," converts ("us") often condemn and reject outsiders
("them"), including family, peers, and those with necessary expertise (medical,
educational, etc.). Such attitudes may be supported and perpetuated by
pejorative jargon — a language of segregation that becomes established and
subtly influences all users. In ISKCON the word karmi alludes to a
non-devotee, a materialistic person. The meaning has become extended to
encompass anyone who is not a member of ISKCON (Rasa-mandala Dasa, 1995, pp.
84–86), regardless of their religious or devotional inclinations. Derivative
words — karmi world, karmi job, karmi school, karmi
bread, karmi clothes — denote the materialistic, contaminated nature of
the world of non-devotees. The extremely dualistic perspective of the new
convert is also captured within the jargon: Positive examples — devotees are not
simply happy, they are "blissful," similarly, a feast is not delicious, it is
"ecstatic." Negative examples — those who do not concur with our ideology are
"demons" and "materialists."
In the letter
quoted in the previous section, Langone hypothesises that leaders might maintain
their influence through creating such a dualistic world-view. One could also
make a case that such elitism is the result of an unconscious defence mechanism
rather than a premeditated tactic. I would suggest individual cases of both
possibilities could be found. Whether deliberately orchestrated or naturally
occurring, the process of establishing the superiority of one’s own group and
focusing on an external enemy distracts attention from perpetrators of abuse or
internal organizational problems. Creating a fearful image of life outside the
transcendental bubble keeps the sheep within the fold, and increases their
dependence. On the basis of these ends, which some (leaders or followers) may
view as advantageous, some may justify cultivating elitism as a substitute for
merit.
The quest for
transcendence is about going beyond the temporal world of material imperfection,
and ISKCON, as other religious groups, has the experience of premature
transcendentalists considering themselves beyond the constraints of material
requirements and ignoring physical, psychological, emotional, or social needs.
[In 1974] sannyasa [the
renounced order of life] was a kind of reward for achievement. The number of
men initiated into the sannyasa-asrama increased dramatically. A
genuine desire for transcendence, often comingled with an urge to acquire
prestige, position, and power within the institution, had propelled most of
these young men into rash and improvident heroics. The persistence of desires
they could neither acknowledge nor control started to manifest as intolerance
and fanaticism ... . As one would expect, over the long run, many of these
sannyasis found it impossible to maintain their vows. There was a steady,
even growing exodus. In most cases, an extreme sense of disgrace and shame,
amplified by the merciless condemnation of the sannyasi community
itself, propelled them into exile into the fringe and beyond. (Ravindra Svarupa
Dasa, 1994)
The history of
ISKCON provides examples of various forms of self-deception that only became
evident when the compounding effects reached a critical stage. The assumption
that spiritual advancement can be measured by external renunciation has led to
some validating the acceptance of unhealthy levels of self-deprivation in the
name of transcendence.
Authorities
have been known to encourage levels of renunciation in their wards that far
exceeds the subordinate’s realisation (Rasa-mandala Dasa, 1995, p. 90). Such
authorities could be motivated by the prestige of having highly renounced (thus
supposedly advanced) wards, or by the fact that renunciates are obliged to be
submissive, and are cheaper to maintain in the short-term. Wards could be
motivated by the opportunity to escape their responsibilities (of conditional
devotional service10 )
on the pretext of being beyond them.11
Coercion Through Shame and Fear
Once an
elitist authority structure has developed, or been established, the powers that
be may feel the need to protect their elite position. This may be achieved
through shame and fear. Followers are coerced to agree, submit, obey — in body
and/or mind. It has been a popular allegation that religious practitioners are
coerced through mind control,12
with the terms "brainwashing" and "snapping" being bandied about by more extreme
accusers. Although brainwashing is rarely an issue these days,13 many
still object to the mind control they feel is used as a tool for exploitation
within religious groups.14
In
Combating Cult Mind Control, anti-cultist Steven Hassan defines a
cult as: "an exclusive group that exercises negative uses of mind control, which
may be understood as a system of influences that disrupts an individual’s
identity (beliefs, behaviour, thinking and emotions) and replaces it with a new
identity" (Hassan, 1990). Hassan’s idea of "negative mind control" implies the
existence of "positive mind control" (presumably such things as army training,
American history lessons, and TV News). His definition is dependent on his own
personal judgement of what is negative and positive. Rather than losing
cognitive autonomy, as these charges of brainwashing imply, victims of abuse are
often psychologically manipulated into relinquishing to their authority, a
portion of their judgement and decision-making capacity.
Shame and fear
are the abuser’s main weapons of coercion. Shame is used to belittle the abused,
and make them feel that their spirituality is defective, or that they are
unworthy, stupid, unqualified, or in some way inferior. Such humiliation (in the
eyes of peers, superiors, or self), can undermine self-determination and
discrimination, and corner an abused person into submission and silence. Once an
authority has demonstrated the consequences of dissent or disobedience,
subordinates live in fear of punitive shaming, public censure, stigmatisation,
ostracism, or Demonization.
These dynamics
do not only occur in a gross Orwellian fashion. Dissenters may simply find
the focus of the issue being subtly changed: "The issue of which you are
complaining is not the problem, you are the problem." There is an
example of a devotee who brought to the attention of one of the temple
authorities that an unmarried couple were sharing a room (contravening the
asrama rules). The authority responded: "Well, I am wondering how it is
that as a brahmacari [celibate monk], you are so concerned with others’
marital affairs." Which translated as, "You are supposed to be a celibate, but
you are obviously so smitten by lust that you are absorbed in thoughts of
others’ marital/sexual affairs." In this way the devotee found himself suddenly
"on trial" for having raised a legitimate issue.
The weapons of
fear and shame can be very effective in enforcing a regime or a social code of
silence which has the short-term effect of protecting the status quo (and thus
the elite) and establishing an illusion that there is total consensus and no
problems (Ravindra Svarupa Dasa, 1996, p. 81). In such an environment problems
are only discussed as a means of finding someone to blame so that the leadership
is vindicated. Norman Dixon pointed out the unfortunate consequences of such
scapegoating:
It is a sad feature of
authoritarian organisations that their nature inevitably militates against the
possibility of learning from experience through the apportioning of blame. The
reason is not hard to find. Since authoritarianism is itself the producer of
psychological defences, authoritarian organisations are past masters of
deflecting blame. They do so by denial, by rationalisation, by making
scapegoats, or by some mixture of the three. However it is achieved, the net
result is that no real admission of failure or incompetence is made by those who
are really responsible; hence nothing can be done about preventing recurrence.
(Dixon, 1994, pp. 43–4
Such silence
is comparable to a rabbit’s defence mechanism of closing its eyes when
attacked. It allows problems to go unchallenged and escalate to chronic,
destructive proportions. Another consideration that prevents discussing
problems is the opinion that talking about problems will make the movement or
religion look bad in others’ eyes.
An
unwillingness to acknowledge or value different opinions is reflected in the
absence of a grievance procedure. This lacking subtly forbids dissent — "My way
or the highway!" demands: "Become a yes-man or leave." Secrecy and censored
information flow are the allies of those unable to live up to their own
standards, who need to hide the facts and propagate a myth of success.
Reasons for Abuse
Going through
the above-mentioned list of dynamics in our seminar evoked some disturbing
accounts from the devotee audience. Hearing these descriptions caused many to
wonder how devotees, spiritual seekers striving for divine consciousness, could
have carried out these abuses? What is going wrong? What could motivate them to
such inappropriate actions? Of course the adherent of any religion could look
at internal problems (past or present) and ask the same question. It is, in a
sense, to be expected that there are problems. The US writer James Baldwin
wrote: "The price one pays for pursuing any profession or calling is an intimate
knowledge of its ugly side." The Bhagavad-gita teaches that every
endeavour is tainted by fault, just as every fire produces smoke (Prabhupada,
1985, p. 832). Srila Prabhupada also warned his followers to have realistic
expectations:
People should not expect that even
in the Krishna Consciousness Society there will be Utopia. Because devotees are
persons, therefore there will always be some lacking.15
One thing, we can never expect to
find any kind of utopia, even in the spiritual world. Wherever there are persons
there are bound to be differences, so we should not expect any kind of perfect
arrangement, especially here in the material world.16
Accepting that
there are always differences, and hence always problems, does not justify the
occurrence of spiritual abuse, but it helps us come to terms with the existence
of such abuse within a spiritual society. Looking in more detail at reasons for
abuse may offer clues to prevention.
Common
Pitfalls of Spiritual Life
When we asked
our seminar participants for suggested reasons for spiritual abuse, their first
suggestion was "impurity." In Vaisnava terminology such impurities are known as
anarthas, or unwanted things in the heart. Visvanatha Cakravarti
Thakura, the great Vaisnava scholar of the 17th century, concurred that certain
dynamics and attitudes conducive to abuse arise almost unavoidably, as if
programmed into the process of spiritual growth:
... it is well known that the very
nature of bhakti is to be attractive, thus many people become attracted
to the devotee, the abode of bhakti ... . Bhakti produces much
opportunity for material gain, worship, and position (labha, puja, pratistha).
These are weeds around the creeper of bhakti. (Visvanatha, 1993, p. 17)
Next are the anarthas
arising from bhakti. As many weeds grow along with the main plant, along
with bhakti appear wealth and other facilities, worship and respect by
others, and a comfortable position and fame (labha, puja, pratistha).
These weeds grow powerful and overwhelm the devotee with their influences.
(Visvanatha, 1993, p. 27)
Excessive
striving for, and attainment of, fame and worship (puja) produces
elitism. Similarly, an obsession with distinction and position (pratistha)
leads to authoritarianism, and greed for material profit (labha) leads to
exploitation. Elitism, authoritarianism and exploitation are characteristics
that arise from these false motivations, or "weeds" in the heart (labha,
puja, pratistha). According to the Thakura, they are destructive to
spiritual life, but to be expected. These three are usually found intertwined
together, and those infected may abuse others in order to protect their image,
keep funds coming in, maintain their position in the pecking order, and build
religious kingdoms to bolster their own image of themselves as spiritualists.
Conditioning
Those who
"grew up" in an abusive environment are likely to perpetuate the paradigm they
know — today’s victims become tomorrow’s abusers. A collection of similarly
conditioned individuals creates a supportive corporate culture, an environment
conducive to abuse. Certain individuals carry within them the seeds for abuse
either as "perpetrators" or "victims" in the form of prior circumstances or
psychological disposition (Stafford & Hodgkinson, 1991, pp. 33–51).
Lack of Training
It is said
that poverty brings out the worst in people. Leaders thrust into positions
beyond their qualification, appointed by default or elimination, may be
poverty-stricken in terms of leadership knowledge, skills and experience.
Untrained and over-challenged, some leaders may resort to authoritarianism to
compensate for their deficient training. Authoritarianism often seems cheap and
easy, but is primitive and costly in terms of initiative, innovation (Dixon,
1994, p. 267) and genuine commitment — it may elicit initial obedience, out of
fear of potentially adverse consequences, but the commitment is superficial, and
efforts may turn to sabotage when "no one is looking" or when the threat is no
longer present.
A lack of
spiritual training may lead to the type of premature transcendentalism wherein
aspiring spiritualists assume that their spiritual practices will also tend to
their physical, psychological, emotional or social needs (Dhyanakunda-devi Dasi,
1999). Thus they may continue for years with unresolved personal issues
(psychological, emotional, interpersonal, etc.) thinking that external rites
alone will carry them beyond these issues.
Institutional Interpretation
Some see
religious organisations in general as havens for abuse (Winebrenner, 1993, p.
26). Speaking specifically about child abuse, E. Burke Rochford, Jr. has
pronounced such abuse and religion to be mutually attractive (Rochford, 1998, p.
43). The mutual attraction between rigid religious authority structures and
certain compulsive character disorders has also been documented in writings on
religious addiction and codependence (Dhyanakunda-devi Dasi, 1999; Stafford &
Hodgkinson, 1991, p. 85). As Visvanatha Cakravarti Thakura and St. John of the
Cross have warned us, the path of spiritual advancement is beset with traps,
traps that can set a traveller up for spiritual abuse as a perpetrator, victim,
or both. Hierarchical authority structures, absolute teachings, and
requirements of submission make religious organisations particularly fertile
grounds for abuse of various descriptions, all of which will most likely contain
a component of spiritual abuse. Thus religious institutions are intrinsically
susceptible to spiritual abuse.
Persons who
are prepared to take a less trodden path and commit themselves to a high level
of participation in a religious organisation often display above-average
idealism. Young idealists may also be naive, but naivety is not confined to the
young. On occasions I have encountered what I would consider extreme naivety in
individuals that hold important leadership positions.17
The path to hell is paved with good intentions and well-intended assumptions
about others’ character and competence. Thus, those committed to a high ideal
within the context of a religious movement may find it difficult to accept that
leaders within that framework are guilty of acts that contravene that ideal.
Some unhealthy
dynamics within ISKCON can be better understood if we look at the circumstances
under which the movement began and developed. Srila Prabhupada viewed the West
as a bastion of materialism, a hostile environment (Prabhupada, 1978, p. 230).
He often compared the effort to preach in such circumstances to a military
campaign.
Success or
failure has no meaning for a pure devotee because he is a soldier in the field.
Preaching the cult of devotional service is something like declaring war against
materialistic life (Prabhupada, 1987, Vol. 2, p. 473).
When the
soldiers risk their lives on the battlefield, the government is very much
inclined to give them all facilities in their work. Even the citizens may be
deprived of their comforts. So Krsna takes special appreciation for His
devotees who are engaged in risking for His preaching work, and He will give you
special care and guidance at all times because you are sincerely trying to serve
Him in this way (Srila Prabhupada, quoted in Kurma Dasa, p. 218).
He adopted a
mode that he felt addressed this situation:
Srila Prabhupada’s success in
establishing a beachhead in the counterculture soon produced problems within the
movement ... . Srila Prabhupada had constructed his movement out of dubious raw
material. He was convinced that his efforts were a matter of spiritual life or
death, and he was animated by a sense of extreme urgency. In a raging storm one
must construct a shelter out of whatever comes to hand. Indeed, Srila Prabhupada
was well aware of the defects of his handiwork. (Ravindra Svarupa Dasa, 1994)
Extending this
often-used analogy, comparing ISKCON to a country at war may give some insight
into how certain dynamics arose and were tolerated, accepted, or rationalised.
The following is a list of extraordinary measures sometimes established during
wartime.18 A
country at war declares a state of emergency and can have:
Authoritarian management structure —
martial rule.
Normal democratic functions
(such as referendums) suspended.
The leaders are the biggest
heroes, usually veterans.
Law and order is maintained
with greater force.
The biggest offence is
treason; traitors are killed, their deaths advertised.
"Us and them" mentality.
Strong anti-foe propaganda.
Individuals are expendable,
even big leaders.
It is normal to have
casualties, suffering, and amputees.
Risky campaigns are
undertaken, opportunities for instant glory.
Victories are exaggerated.
Failures are covered up and
minimised.
Everyone is a soldier;
others who stay back are cowards.
Training means the smashing
of independent spirit and enforcing a state of self-alienation.
Promotion happens quickly.
Education, culture and arts
are stifled.
Social development is
stifled.
There are many austerities
imposed upon the citizens, who do not protest.
Women and children are
working in munitions factories etc.
Normal industrial worker’s
rights are curtailed.
According to
this interpretation of the movement’s history (whether or not it is
justifiable), Srila Prabhupada established ISKCON in an emergency mode. The
movement’s interpretation of that mode resulted in the instigation and
enforcement of many of the above tactics, notably in the 1970s and early 1980s.
Abuses carried out in the name of expediency or pragmatic preaching strategies
are at least understandable from the perspective of a country at war. But as
with any war there are casualties, and ISKCON has had its fair share in the form
of devotees who left feeling disgruntled and alienated. (Rasa-mandala Dasa,
1995, pp. 85–86)
Consequences of the Resulting Alienation
Alienation is
an emotional state with which most are familiar and try to avoid. Humans are
social animals and are especially gregarious when it comes to religion. The
sense of belonging that comes through acceptance by a group provides
psychological and emotional security. To feel rejected by social peers is
traumatic and when coupled with excommunication, an alienated reject may feel
forsaken by God as well. Abusers take advantage of people’s natural fear of
alienation — through this fear those who are abused are compelled to obey and
conform, at risk of being ostracised. Being banished can take two forms: the
nonconformists can be officially cast out, or simply made to feel like outcastes
to the point where they leave of their own accord. The second variant is more
common in ISKCON. Nonconformists may be labelled rebels or "fringies" (those on
the fringe of spiritual life; Ravindra Svarupa Dasa, 1994), and their rebellion
against the authorities seen as an expression of the original rebellion against
Krsna that landed them in the material world. The Vaisnava scriptures recommend
avoiding the association of materially minded people (Prabhupada, 1975, p.13).
Stigmatised as antagonists, outcastes will soon feel alienated and antagonistic
(Ravindra Svarupa Dasa, 1994).
Rejection and
alienation generally evoke two kinds of emotions: those directed to-wards
oneself (emotions related to a loss of self-esteem, for example, inadequacy and
humiliation), and emotions (such as resentment and anger) directed towards
those perceived to be causing the alienation. Initial enthusiasm, naive
submission, or a psychological predisposition on the part of the abused (Oaks,
1997; p. 124; Dhyanakunda-devi Dasi, 1999) may pave the way for abuse (possibly
evoking feelings from the first set of emotions), but if abuse is ongoing, then
the abused may be pushed over the tolerance threshold, and come under the sway
of the second set of emotions. These emotions will most likely be translated
into actions such as the abused disassociating from the institution.
Some victims
will not want to associate with anyone representing religion or spirituality —
"A cat that sits on a hot stove lid won’t ever sit on a hot stove lid again. But
it probably won’t sit on a cold stove lid either" (Mark Twain). People generally
seek out like-minded company, and we have seen that those "burnt" by
mistreatment within ISKCON often find other such victims with whom to
commiserate, expostulate, and agitate. Well trained in finding a philosophical
explanation (or justification) for everything (in preference to acknowledging
the emotional issues), such congregations may come up with philosophical
explanations for their enmity towards the movement that they felt betrayed their
trust. I am not claiming that everyone who ever left ISKCON feeling disgruntled
is a victim of abuse, but some certainly were.
Presently a
number of former ISKCON members are attacking the movement in the name of some
philosophical alternative. There are groups and individuals pushing for reform;
others have made the total destruction of ISKCON a major agenda in their lives —
publishing sensational books, proliferating angry papers, and setting up
vindictive Web sites. I am not claiming that all antagonistic, ISKCON-derived
splinter groups are simply assemblages of individuals reacting to the abuses
they suffered in the movement, projecting the problem on the entire institution.
The purpose of this article is not to discuss the legitimacy of the various
grievances, but the nature and sheer volume of grievances would suggest that
there are legitimate grievances at the institutional level. It is my
observation that there are groups or individuals whose, ostensibly
philosophical, complaints reveal so much emotion that it seems as if the real
solution lies in counselling and reconciliation rather than philosophical
debate.
By what some
would describe as a sacrificing of individual care for institutional needs
(Rochford, 1999, p. 17), ISKCON has created a significant force working towards
the disruption or fragmentation of the institution. Canakya Pandita, the
pre-Christian Indian political expert, warned of this social mechanism:
By the destruction of the welfare
and security of the people due to the negligence and laziness of the ruler,
impoverishment, avarice, and discontent are produced in the people. Impoverished
people become avaricious, and avaricious people become discontented.
Discontented people go over to the enemy or destroy the ruler themselves. (Artha-sastra
144–7, in Subramanian, p. 167)
Apart from
spiritual consequences,19
spiritual abuse sets off a chain reaction of many obvious negative
repercussions. It results in short- and long-term suffering for the victim as
well as crippled spiritual, social, institutional, and personal growth. It also
frustrates and undermines efforts to bring new people into contact with Krsna
consciousness, gives fuel to our adversaries and creates new enemies.
Solutions
Having looked
at the dynamics, causes, and consequences of spiritual abuse, I would like to
return to the causes we mentioned, and suggest some solutions.
Institutional Interpretation
Comparing the
movement’s beginnings to a country under martial law gave insight into some of
the attitudes and circumstances that allowed dynamics conducive to abuse to
develop within ISKCON. It might be useful for members of ISKCON to
examine current modes of activity in the light of this analogy and identify
areas where things are still managed as in a country at war. For this purpose
it would be of value to put Srila Prabhupada’s instructions within a historical
framework, identifying which are appropriate for war mode and which for peace.
In order to do this properly, ISKCON needs to write and study its own history,
otherwise the context and significance of Srila Prabhupada’s various
instructions will be lost (Hopkins, 1999, p. 6).
Lack of
Training
Systematic
education will go a long way to counteracting spiritual abuse caused by naivety,
overidealism, and a lack of training. Sefton Davies recommended in his article
on ISKCON management: "Where officers are not performing as required ...
training is needed and ISKCON needs to establish orderly procedures for this"
(Davies, 1995, p. 22). Leaders need to be equipped with knowledge, skills, and
values so that they can utilise legitimate forms of authority rather than subtle
or gross forms of coercion. The establishment of standardised accreditation for
leadership qualifications will help establish a leadership ethos that will
inhibit abuse. Increasing competence will reduce reliance on authority based on
elitism rather than merit, or, as Srila Prabhupada put it, ‘Impressive, not
repressive, that is the system."20
As mentioned
above, the issue of spiritual abuse is already the subject of a seminar. It is
also incorporated into ISKCON Leadership and Management training, and will be
part of the Ministerial Studies Course currently under development.
Dhyanakunda-devi Dasi is currently writing a book on self-help and counselling,
specifically aimed at addressing the needs of devotees.
Conditioning
As mentioned,
today’s victims become tomorrow’s abusers, but breaking the cycle of abuse from
individual to individual is a task that cannot be tackled by legislation and
education alone. Individual counselling and reconciliation is being taken up
within ISKCON, mainly for victims of child abuse.21 Recognising
and addressing cases of spiritual abuse would help leaders and followers trapped
within the vicious cycle raise awareness and decrease the likelihood of
recurrence.
Introducing
more thorough enrolment or admission procedures into ISKCON asramas
would help identify persons with existing, unresolved emotional, social, or
psychological issues that predispose them to abuse (as either abuser or abused).
It needs to be made clear to people moving into the asramas what they can
expect in terms of facilities, apart from those necessary for their spiritual
education. The time frame and conditions of their stay need to be defined, too,
so that those simply hoping to shirk responsibilities do not exploit the
asrama. Leaders should know where to refer people experiencing disruptive
emotional, social, or psychological difficulties. Leadership duties need to be
properly defined, and there need to be appropriate screening procedures for
positions of responsibility.
Common
Pitfalls in Spiritual Life
The main
characteristic we looked at in our seminars was elitism leading to a lack of
trust and honest open communication between ISKCON members and the movement’s
leadership. Traditionally, old cultures had institutions especially designed to
protect leaders from elitist feelings. Kings often kept jesters — the only
persons allowed to openly criticise and ridicule them. In Roman times, when a
commander led a victory procession through Rome, amidst the adulation and
cheering crowds, he would have a servant on his chariot whisper into his ear:
"Remember, man, that thou art mortal." Both leaders and followers need to be
reminded that they are mere mortals, and cultivate an attitude of mutual
appreciation for spiritual achievements as well as human vulnerability. Lauding
other devotees for their supposed infallibility, mystic powers, divine descent
etc., is a precursor for abuse, as is setting leaders far above others through
allocation of exalted rank or extraordinary privileges. A true leader is not
reliant on such trappings:
In the life of the cloister ...
there are still to be found age-old rituals governing the etiquette of
superiors, involving demands of respect from subjects, secretiveness,
manifestations of superiority, appeals of superiors to a higher wisdom, displays
of condescension, etc. All this should gradually be permitted to wither away.
Superiors should cast a long and quiet glance at the world around them: those
who are truly powerful and influential, who receive a great deal of
unquestioning obedience, place no value on ceremonial of this sort. (Rahner,
1966, pp. 202–3)
Gaudiya
Vaisnavism places great importance on humility. It is one of the twenty-six
distinguishing qualities of a devotee. One of six essential tenets of the
Gaudiya tradition recommends that one should be "in a humble state of mind,
thinking oneself lower than a straw in the street; one should be more tolerant
than a tree, devoid of all sense of false prestige and should be ready to offer
all respects to others" (Prabhupada, 1989, Canto 6, p. 195). It is also said
that a devotee counts himself as the least of all entities (Sarasvati, 1987, p.
284) and that the idea that he should be the master of other devotees leads to
hell (Sarasvati, 1989, p. 286). These attitudes, conducive with graciously
accepting honest appraisal, are considered signs of spiritual advancement.
Excessive praise and no exposure to
critical feedback are proven ways to make even the best leader lose contact with
reality and ultimately falter. If the message from the followers is not just
"You have not made any mistakes" but "You cannot possibly make any mistakes,"
then it is not surprising that such leaders lose touch with the world around
them. Many, if not most, pastors receive messages from their congregation that
signal: "Because you’re the pastor, you need to look good, never struggle,
always know the answer, and never be wrong." To succumb to those "false needs"
is to let yourself become trapped in a double life and double talk ... . When
image is everything, when "how things look" is what matters, spiritual abuse
is the next step, because you cannot help but demand performance from others
when you are working so hard yourself. (Johnson & Van Vonderen, 1991, pp. 128,
133)
Abuse comes as
the logical consequence of followers having unrealistic expectations of the
leaders and failing to offer them adequate feedback.
ISKCON needs
to develop and systemise its culture of feedback — through learning how to
better offer, accept, and act upon helpful, respectful critical feedback. The
Vedic literature provides evidence that even the greatest of kings accepted
feedback from the lowliest of subjects.22
Scriptural aphorisms and moral teachings confirm the importance of feedback:
Canakya-sutra
557–8: Inaccessible rulers destroy
the people. Very accessible rulers please the people. (Subramanian, 1980, p. 84)
Artha-sastra
34: An inaccessible ruler is made
to do the opposite of what ought or ought not to be done by those surrounding
him. (Subramanian, 1980, p. 148)
Artha-sastra
217: No one should be disrespected.
Everyone’s opinion should be heard. The wise one should utilise even a child’s
sensible words. (Subramanian, 1980, p. 178)
Most
corporations have systems in place to ensure that their executives receive
regular assessment and feedback on the performance of their responsibilities.
This may consist of written and/or verbal feedback between peers, as well as
between higher and lower levels of the managerial hierarchy. Such appraisal can
only be really meaningful if responsibilities are defined, becoming dependent on
precise job descriptions (as mentioned earlier). Feedback allows workers to
derive satisfaction and validation for what they have done well and obtain
constructive suggestions on how to improve. A functioning grievance procedure
providing neutral, confidential arbitration is also an essential part of any
organization.
Some companies
conduct a leaving interview wherein persons leaving the company, under whatever
circumstances, are interviewed and asked their honest opinion of what is right
or wrong with the company. This not only gives the employer the chance to hear
what is really on the mind of the departing worker, but it gives the workers a
chance to get things off their chest, and feel that they’ve been heard. Regular,
formal assessment will help prepare devotees for non-formal types of feedback
that goes beyond execution of duty.
Considering
that not a blade of grass moves without the sanction of the Lord, devotees
should also learn how to accept and evaluate feedback that does not appear
helpful or respectful — appreciating that Krsna sanctioned the feedback. In a
society free of subtle or gross recriminations for honest feedback, truth,
justice, and spiritual growth will hopefully prevail.
Concluding Thoughts
Some accuse
religions of demanding unquestioning obedience. It was reassuring to see the
degree to which the Vaisnava tradition stresses critical questioning and
self-enquiry and shuns blind following. I feel sure that further research in
this field would yield insights that could prove valuable in avoiding some of
the unhealthy dynamics described in this article.
Looking at
spiritual abuse within ISKCON has sometimes been disconcerting. But it was very
encouraging, as well as ironic, that the amount of openness and support I
received throughout (institutionally as well as from individual devotees) almost
belied the subject matter. There was no wall of silence, and the devotees were
willing to discuss the subject; however, there was an uncomfortable feeling that
they and ISKCON were being challenged. I was reminded of the work of the
physicist Ilya Prigogine, who won a Nobel prize for his theory of "dissipative
structures," part of which contends that friction is a fundamental property of
nature and nothing grows without it, neither mountains, pearls, nor people. He
saw the quality of fragility, the capacity to fail, as an essential prerequisite
to growth. Structures at any level — molecular, physical, psychological, social,
or institutional — that are insulated from disturbance are also insulated from
change and thus doomed to stagnation. Or, in sporting terms, no pain, no gain.
ISKCON is fighting to continue despite many setbacks.
I see many
individuals and departments within and associated with the movement, pushing for
positive change. Although, as always, there are those who resist change, it
seems to me that devotees enthusiastically embracing reform outnumber them.
We cannot
change what has happened, but we can decide how we react to it. As instances
of abuse within ISKCON come to light, some react by distancing themselves from
an institution that they see as having (unwittingly) nurtured abuse and
abusers. To blame an institution such as ISKCON seems to ignore the fact that
it is made up of volunteers, who have, consciously or not, willingly or not,
participated in mistreatment and thus share some responsibility. Taking
responsibility for participation on whatever level enables devotees to take a
serious look at the mistakes; otherwise they may not get beyond finger pointing
and laying blame. Bhaktivinode Thakura suggests that rather than abandoning the
present structure, we should aim at righting the wrongs:
"Begin anew," says the critic,
"because the old masonry does not answer at present. Let the old author be
buried because his time is gone." These are shallow expressions. Progress
certainly is the law of nature and there must be corrections and developments
with the progress of time. But progress means going further or rising higher.23
Anyone who
interacts with ISKCON as a community of devotees rather than a faceless
institution will have the opportunity to contribute to the growth that comes
from addressing past mistakes. In our seminars we have found devotees more than
willing to commit to change — which gives us ample reason for optimism.
Notes
1-Our assessments of ISKCON’s needs were based on: Dhyanakunda-devi Dasi —
through her counselling of devotees‚ and experience as a GBC Deputy;
Bhaktavatsala Dasa — through experiences as a GBC management assistant and
executive secretary to the Chairman of the GBC Executive Committee; general
exchanges; and the Leadership and Management seminar. We also drew on the
findings of the Prabhupada Centennial Survey, conducted by E. Burke Rochford,
Jr. (see ICJ Vol. 7, No. 1).
2-This mainly entailed reading books from Christian perspectives (see
bibliography).
3-Since, according to Vaisnava theology, something defined as spiritual is
something pertaining to the flawless nature of God, something within the realm
of divine love cannot be exploitative or abusive. (See also Dhyanakunda-devi
Dasi, 1999)
4-This working definition is in the context of the theological understanding
that spiritual advancement is a product of sincere loving service to God, Krsna.
5-Further examples:
"Quite a number of us wanted more information about how the
church finances were being spent. We wanted to know if more money could go into
direct ministries, benevolence, things like that. When I asked some questions at
the elders’ meeting – boy did the room get icy. Later I was told to stop trying
to create a faction in the church." (Johnson and Vanvonderen, 1991, p. 21)
"Our church has gotten into this heavy emphasis on home schooling
and having big families. Also on women wearing head coverings to show they’re in
submission — and no makeup. Eventually it came out. Our best friend told us we
weren’t spiritual because our kid is in public school, and I’m `of the world'
because I wear eye shadow and lipstick." (Johnson and Vanvonderen, 1991, pp.
21–2)
"I remember my dad telling me he loved me, and even though [from
his spiritual authorities] he knew it was maya he couldn’t help himself."
(VOICE, 1997, 3.8)
6-This observation was corroborated by a devotee who was participating in a
workshop for abused women. She told me that although her workshop dealt with
physical, psychological, emotional, sexual, and financial abuse, she felt that
in her case the issue of spiritual abuse was central and needed addressing.
7-"It is clear that many ISKCON members (temple devotees, congregational
members) and former members alike place minimal trust in ISKCON’s leadership.
Child abuse, the mistreatment and abuse of women, the neglect of householders,
guru scandals, etc., all have eroded the trust that binds devotees to
Prabhupada’s movement." (Rochford 1999, p. 22)
8-There is a vying for, or an assumption or attributing of authority to some
degree within most personal interactions. (Pennington, 1999, 202)
9-One of the reasons Srila Prabhupada wanted all members of ISKCON to preach.
10-The Vaisnava tradition teaches that looking after one’s own (and one’s
dependents') material needs is a form of bhakti (devotional service) and
not simply an activity of illusion (maya). "When a living entity is
conditioned, he has two kinds of activities: one is conditional, and the other
is constitutional. As for protecting the body or abiding by the rules of society
and state, certainly there are different activities, even for the devotees, in
connection with the conditional life, and such activities are called
conditional. Besides these, the living entity who is fully conscious of his
spiritual nature and is engaged in Krsna consciousness, or the devotional
service of the Lord, has activities which are called transcendental. Such
activities are performed in his constitutional position, and they are
technically called devotional service. Now, in the conditioned state, sometimes
devotional service and the conditional service in relation to the body will
parallel one another. But then again, sometimes these activities become opposed
to one another. As far as possible, a devotee is very cautious so that he does
not do anything that could disrupt his wholesome condition." (Prabhupada, 1985,
p. 449)
11-In ISKCON’s early history, there were cases of young married men giving up
married life to become renounced sannyasi preachers (which meant
travelling the world as an ISKCON VIP and preaching, rather than getting a job
to support a wife and children). Unfortunately most of them later married again
(Ravindra Svarupa Dasa, 1994), showing that they had never really transcended
the attachments to married life.
12-Not only so-called cults stand accused. Practices common to most religions,
such as chanting, praying, and fasting, are all considered by some to be dubious
and methods of mind-control, hypnosis, or auto-suggestion. On this pretext, Marx
called religion "the opiate of the masses."
13-Academics have refuted brainwashing allegations. (Richardson, 1993, p. 75)
14-This is ironic since devotees of Krsna will be the first to admit that mind
control is an important issue — Krsna mentions in the Bhagavad-gita, "For
one who has conquered the mind, the Supersoul is already reached" (Bhagavad-gita
6.7). Of course, the yogic concept is that one should learn to control one’s own
mind, not have it controlled by another.
15-Letter from Srila Prabhupada to Atreya Rsi Dasa, 4 February 1972.
(Prabhupada, 1998)
16-Letter from Srila Prabhupada to Jayarge, Lindon Linese, 25 May 1972.
(Prabhupada, 1998)
17-For example, a newly appointed co-GBC representative was asking me what I
thought of some new reforms that had been legislated. I replied that the reforms
might be wonderful, but I was curious as to how such reforms were to be
implemented in a movement that is more or less a confederation of highly
autonomous communities. I explained that there is a whole science known as
change management, and that international corporations go to great lengths to
develop change strategies, and still sometimes fail since people naturally
oppose change. Without even acknowledging that there might be a need for
something like an implementation plan, the devotee became disgusted with my
"negativity," assuring me that we should all just pray that the desired change
comes about and telling me that these materialistic ideas from outside don’t
apply to devotees.
18-Private letter by Guruttama Dasa to the author, 18 September 1998.
19-According to Vaisnava theology, vaisnava-aparadha (offending
Vaisnavas) is considered the "mad elephant offence," and will destroy spiritual
life just as a mad elephant will destroy a garden. This is usually referred to
in an individual context, but is also applicable to groups who share
responsibility for the offensive act.
20-Letter from Srila Prabhupada, 13 February 1972 (Prabhupada, 1998).
21-Under the auspices of the ISKCON Child Protection Office (See also
Bharata-Shrestha Dasa, pp. 71–6).
22When King Yayati broke tradition and bequeathed his kingdom to his youngest
son, Puru, members of the four social divisions respectfully approached him and
challenged his decision (Mahabharata). Before installing his beloved son
Dhruva on the throne of the empire of the world, Kin g Uttanapada consulted his
ministerial officers, considered the opinion of the public, and also personally
examined Dhruva’s character. (Prabhupada 1987, 4.1)
23-Bhaktivinoda Thakura, The Bhagavata. Although Bhaktivinoda Thakura was
referring to scriptural tradition, scripture is an important facet of the
religious institutional tradition.
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